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Home Field Disadvantage
America at the Community of Democracies
Charles J. Brown
Newsletter, Summer 2005
In April, I traveled to Santiago, Chile for the third ministerial meeting of the
Community of Democracies (CD). The gathering brought together representatives of
more than 100 governments – including a U.S. delegation headed by Condoleezza
Rice – as well as leaders of numerous NGOs to find ways to work together to
promote and sustain democratic rule.
The meeting was supposed to build on the accomplishments of previous gatherings
in Warsaw (2000) and Seoul (2002), which had developed a broad consensus on what
constitutes a democracy, established specific criteria for CD membership, and
developed a plan to help states better coordinate democracy promotion. And with
the recent dramatic developments in Lebanon, Ukraine and Kyrgyzstan, you would
think that democracy’s advocates would have been poised to do just that.
It didn’t turn out that way. Despite very good intentions, the world’s
democracies did not act much like a community in Santiago. Governments spent as
much time debating their differences as they did celebrating their common
heritage.
Not surprisingly, the main reason for this was antipathy toward the Bush
Administration. Despite President Bush having made democracy promotion a
linchpin of his second term, many of the world’s elected governments remain
deeply suspicious of America’s motives. Diplomats attending the meeting told me
that they regarded America’s aggressive approach as less than constructive. The
Administration’s attempt to impose democracy in Iraq hasn’t helped. Neither has
its friendly relations with authoritarian governments in Russia, Pakistan,
Uzbekistan and Saudi Arabia. And recent backsliding in Ecuador and Bolivia has
led observers to wonder whether America is even paying attention to the
implosion of democracy in its own backyard.
The Community of Democracies always has had strong ties to – and support from –
the United States. Secretary of State Madeleine Albright envisioned the meetings
as a “Davos for Democracy,” bringing together not just governments, but
dissidents from non-democratic states as well. And unlike most Clinton-era
initiatives, President Bush has embraced and championed the CD process. In
Warsaw and Seoul, strong U.S. support for the CD generated little concern.
In Santiago, however, it was clear that the world’s opinion of the United States
has deteriorated dramatically. For the Bush Administration, Santiago should have
been the diplomatic equivalent of home field advantage: a gathering of
democracies and democrats who espouse the same values that President Bush and
Secretary Rice have so ardently championed. There was no China or Cuba present
to disrupt the meeting, and no Saudi Arabia or Pakistan to remind others of the
Administration’s inconsistent policies. Yet the lack of respect for the United
States was palpable, almost a physical presence in the room.
As someone who has served as a spokesman for U.S. delegations, such open dislike
for the United States struck me as something fundamentally different from the
latent anti-Americanism that characteristically percolates under the surface of
such gatherings. This wasn’t disgruntlement or annoyance, but rather overt
antagonism. It was anti-Americanism (or more accurately, anti-Bushism) for its
own sake.
The hostility towards the United States was not limited to quiet talk in the
corridors. When a Romanian delegate suggested that governments hostile to the
United Nations should withdraw from it, many delegates assumed he was talking
about the United States. He was, in fact, referring to Cuba. One senior U.S.
official admitted the problem, telling me that anything put forward by the U.S.
was either regarded as suspect or automatically rejected by many delegations.
For much of the world, America is no longer regarded as credible. In fact, U.S.
actions are now regularly (and in my mind mistakenly) conflated with some of
those of the world’s worst human rights abusers. The Bush Administration has so
wantonly spent America’s international political capital that it can’t get
anyone to listen – even when promoting something as anodyne as the Community of
Democracies. And somehow the President thinks the solution is to send John
Bolton to the UN?
The reality is that America is no longer liked, listened to, or – most
importantly – trusted. Many who support the President would contend that such
sentiments are irrelevant, that being President is not a popularity contest, and
that the United States should always act in its own interest. But America needs
the rest of the world if it is to confront today’s most pressing problems. From
terrorism to nonproliferation, from UN reform to yes, even democracy promotion,
the Bush Administration cannot even begin to implement its agenda without the
support of its friends and allies.
The reality is that the Warsaw consensus – by which I mean the broad agreement
on what the Community of Democracies can (and cannot) do – has broken down,
largely because of antipathy towards the United States. Many countries simply
won’t support anything that might advance the Bush agenda, and right now they
see the CD falling into that category. If the Bush Administration really wants
to promote democracy it needs to stop acting unilaterally, stop trying to
dominate the issue, and let the CD become a dynamic, effective and independent
organization that can help governments see the benefit of working together to
promote a common agenda.
Updated July 6, 2005 |