THE BATTLE OF TURTLE BAY
Don Kraus and Simon Weber
Tompaine.com, Web Exclusive
August 17, 2005Now that President George W. Bush has
bypassed the Senate and recess appointed John Bolton to the post of U.N.
ambassador, a new battle is underway. The fight for who will represent the
United States at the United Nations is over, and the extremely complicated
struggle to determine how the United Nations can be retooled into an effective
21st century institution has begun in earnest.
President Bush, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice and the newly confirmed
Assistant Secretary of State for International Organizations Kristen Silverberg
have a problematic three-front battle on their hands, and Ambassador Bolton is
one of them.
The same week that Bolton arrived in New York, Foreign Affairs magazine
published a poll in which 72 percent of Americans said that showing more respect
for the views and needs of other countries would enhance U.S. national security.
Silverberg, as Bolton’s boss, will be responsible for making sure he sticks to
the administration’s playbook, which surprisingly calls for some positive
changes at the United Nations. Bolton’s long history of “no carrots” diplomacy
and aggressively pushing his own ideologically driven agendas makes him a
difficult employee to manage to begin with. The job will be more challenging
because Silverberg has no previous foreign policy experience and, despite his
flaws, Bolton knows more about the U.N. than any other ambassador ever sent to
Turtle Bay.
The second front is at the United Nations. The U.S. Mission in New York is
tasked with preparing for the U.N.’s 60th Anniversary September Summit—the
largest gathering of world leaders in history. A large body of proposals is
already supported by the United States, including new standards of oversight and
accountability, a Democracy Fund, a Peacebuilding Commission to help societies
rebuild after conflict ends, an improved Human Rights Council, and new tools
to combat terrorism. These ideas enjoy widespread support among political
leaders in the United States and abroad. But the comprehensive package of
reforms proposed by Secretary General Annan includes non-starters for the United
States that are coveted by developing nations, such as an increase in official
development assistance to 0.7 percent of gross domestic income.
Another bone of contention is Security Council reform. Deputy Ambassador Anne
Patterson has called for the African Union and the Group of Four—Germany, Japan,
India and Brazil—“to stop pushing for [Security Council expansion] votes, and to
focus first on more urgently needed reforms.” The Security Council debate has
indeed “siphoned extensive resources and attention away from more critical UN
reforms.” The United States should fiercely oppose any new veto wielding seats
on a too often dysfunctional Security Council. But the administration must also
focus on the comprehensive nature of the negotiations. If the United States
wants to achieve the management and conflict-related fixes that it supports, it
must be prepared to accept policies that in the words of Kofi Annan, “take into
account not only the needs of its own citizens but also the needs of others.”
The third front the administration must fight is a rear guard action on Capitol
Hill. Over the past two months, the House of Representatives twice passed flawed
legislation that mandates the withholding of 50 percent of legally obligated
U.S. dues to the United Nations. The Hyde U.N. Reform Act—which was introduced
in the Senate by Gordon Smith, R-Ore.—authorizes cutting U.S. payments to the
United States in half, should the United Nations fail to adopt 39 specific
reforms in an unreasonably short timeframe.
This is, without a doubt, the wrong approach. Eight former U.S. ambassadors to
the United Nations—including tough-minded Republicans like John Danforth and
Jeanne Kirkpatrick—have warned that withholding U.S. dues “would create
resentment, build animosity and actually strengthen opponents of reform.”
Undersecretary of State for Political Affairs Nicholas Burns even testified that
cutting contributions “would diminish our effectiveness… [and] undermine our
efforts to play the leading role in reforming the United Nations.”
President Bush, Secretary Rice and other administration officials have,
likewise, stressed the importance of the United States taking a leading role in
creating a capable, 21st century-United Nations. Even John Bolton proclaimed his
commitment to “a stronger, more effective [UN], true to the ideals of its
founders and agile enough to act in the 21st century.” Usually, when this
president wants to chart foreign policy in his Republican-controlled Congress,
he gets what he wants. Those who were visited by President Bush and Vice
President Cheney on the eve of the CAFTA vote can surely attest: This
administration will spare no expense to pursue its agenda—when it cares. A
similar effort would have made all the difference on the controversial Hyde Act,
which received 196 nay votes even without a strong lobbying effort by the
administration.
One thing that is certain is that the United States has an unparalleled
opportunity to revitalize the United Nations without employing threats and
bullying tactics. Unfortunately, Congress’s recent actions threaten to undermine
this opportunity and deny Americans the cooperative foreign policy they clearly
want. Until now, the Bush administration has spoken loudly but left the stick
at home, refusing to expend political capital in order to defeat the Hyde Act’s
withholding policies. If the president is serious in his commitment to “work as
far as possible within the framework of international organizations” now is the
time for him to devote the necessary resources to pursue a strong, effective,
21st-century United Nations.
Many see the outcome of the September Summit as a legacy for Secretary General
Annan. But if the President keeps House Republicans in line, Ambassador Bolton
on message and negotiates reasonable deals with other nations, a United Nations
that works could be his lasting legacy as well.
Don Kraus is the Executive Vice President of Citizens for Global Solutions .
Simon Weber is a Government Relations Associate at Citizens for Global Solutions.
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